Editorial, July 23, 2010

The kosher campaign trail

IN this country, it is difficult to judge whether there is a specific “Jewish vote”. The two Australian electorates with the largest Jewish populations — Wentworth and Melbourne Ports — are held by Liberal and Labor respectively, and have always been.

There have been far more Jewish ALP members of Parliament since federation, but some of the Liberal Party’s most influential supporters and powerbrokers are Jewish, and Joshua Frydenberg seems set to become the first Jewish Liberal to sit in the House of Representatives.

For the Jewish community, like the rest of Australia, is diverse. There are school teachers and accountants, shop owners and stay-at-home mums, lawyers and real-estate agents. There are observant, black-hat wearers and secular, once-a-year shul-goers. How can one politician appeal to all of this at the same time? The one issue that seemingly binds us all is Israel.

Australia, unlike so many other countries, is a long-time, unflinching friend of Israel. Come polling time, Jewish voters seek assurance that this record remains intact. And our politicians are well aware of this.

Opposition Leader Tony Abbott got in first, waxing lyrical about Israel as a “beacon of democratic pluralism, a bastion of western civilisation” at a very well-attended community lunch on Monday. His message was that a government led by him would have an “unshakable commitment” to Israel.

While Prime Minister Julia Gillard was not on the hustings in the Jewish community this week, she has spent the past weeks, months, even years, getting to know and understand both the Jewish community and Israel.

She granted the first print interview of her leadership to The AJN, saying “My interest in Israel and my support for Israel is longstanding.” And the evidence supports it — as deputy prime minister she led a leadership forum to the Jewish State and has addressed numerous Jewish community events.

However, the ALP Government did make some controversial choices when it came to Australia’s relationship with Israel. They changed a number of non-binding votes at the United Nations and expelled an Israeli diplomat after an investigation revealed Mossad had forged Australian passports.

So as the community prepares to be courted over the next four weeks, we will leave the decision to the voters. The AJN will present you with all the news and shmooze from the hustings, the rest is up to you.The ganze megillah

Lest we forget

THINGS have been awfully quiet in Gaza lately. The rockets that used to rain down on Sderot, sporadic since last year’s Operation Cast Lead, have slowed to a trickle. Attempted terrorist infiltrations from Gaza into Israel also seem to have waned.

Earlier this month, Mideast Quartet Envoy Tony Blair called Israel’s easing of restrictions on goods allowed into Gaza “significant” and added that they “should have a dramatic influence on the daily lives of the people of Gaza”.

Entirely by coincidence, a western-style shopping mall opened in Gaza this week. It was an event that sparked much local fanfare, but little attention in the world media, which continues to promote what some have called an exaggerated depiction of humanitarian crisis in the Islamic quasi-state.

For a moment, such moves towards normalisation might create the illusion that Gaza’s Hamas rulers have themselves moderated and normalised their ideologies. However, the illusion is just that. Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit still languishes in Gazan captivity, deprived of a prisoner’s basic rights. And then there is the story this week of an arrest of an alleged Hamas terrorist whose daughter was recently treated by Israeli hospitals. According to the authorities, that father showed his appreciation by taking part in the murder of an Israeli police officer.

A recent survey in the UK has shown a majority of British Jews believe Israel should be willing to negotiate with Hamas for peace, though the report did not explore the question of whether Hamas truly wants peace. Diaspora Jewry wants peace. Israel certainly desires peace, but needs a partner in order to forge it. Hamas has never given any indication that it is prepared to be that partner. It’s a point that the Quartet fully understands in its insistence for Hamas to recognise Israel, renounce terrorism and accept previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements as preconditions for international legitimisation.

Blair also understands, as he told the Jerusalem Post last month with the kind of understatement only a seasoned statesman could muster:

“The point is that if you want to be part of a negotiation for a state of Palestine and a state of Israel … it’s quite difficult to do that in circumstances where [Hamas is] sitting across the table from people and saying, ‘We reserve the right to kill your citizens at the same time as we’re having this talk.’ That in my view doesn’t work as a negotiation.”