Let us stand with the Druze
A test for those who speak loudly of human rights but hesitate when the victims are unfashionable or forgotten.
I first came to know the Druze through a family I befriended in Canberra in 2018. Our children attended the same school and our friendship has endured across continents. That family now lives once again on Mount Carmel in northern Israel – loyal citizens, guardians of tradition and people of quiet strength. They live in peace and with full rights as citizens of Israel. Just 140 kilometres to the east, however, their co-religionists in Syria face mortal danger.
The Druze are a proud, tight-knit community found across northern Israel, southern Lebanon and southwestern Syria. In recent months – and especially in the past week – Druze villages in Syria’s Sweida province have come under sustained and violent assault. The perpetrators appear to be a mix of Bedouin tribal fighters and militias aligned with Syria’s interim government, led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, better known as Abu Mohammed al-Jolani – a former al-Qaeda commander and the country’s de facto ruler. His so-called transitional government is proving to be as lawless as it is violent.
Since late April 2025, more than 200 Druze civilians have been murdered in coordinated raids. Reports describe extrajudicial executions in guesthouses, armed attacks on places of worship, looting, arson and widespread terror. In just three days in mid-July, Jolani-aligned units escalated operations in Sweida and Sahnaya. While some claims – such as the forced shaving of Druze men’s moustaches – remain unverified, there is no doubt that the intent has been to humiliate, intimidate and break the Druze will to resist.
Israel responded with rare force. On July 16, it launched precision airstrikes deep into Syrian territory, targeting military and intelligence sites in Damascus. Israeli officials made clear that the strikes aimed to deter further attacks against the Druze and prevent enemy entrenchment near Israel’s northern border.
The Druze are an ancient ethno-religious minority with deep roots in the Levant. Their monotheistic faith emerged in the 11th century and combines elements of Islam, Gnosticism and Neoplatonism. They revere a spiritual lineage that includes Jethro (Shu’ayb), Moses, Jesus, John the Baptist and Muhammad – alongside a pivotal figure in their own tradition, the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, who is believed to be a divine manifestation. Their theology is also shaped by classical Greek philosophy; Druze spiritual texts draw on the teachings of Plato and Pythagoras, especially regarding the soul, the pursuit of truth and reincarnation.
Their religion is closed – there are no converts – and its teachings are reserved for an initiated class known as the uqqāl. But Druze values are well known: loyalty, honour, self-discipline and service. In Israel, they are full citizens who serve with distinction in the IDF and have risen to senior ranks in public life. In Lebanon, they have long played a pivotal role in politics and society. In Syria, they have often been caught in the crossfire – respected, yet vulnerable.
Their efforts to remain neutral in Syria’s many conflicts have not spared them. In early 2025, amid increasing attacks and lawlessness, Druze leaders established the Sweida Military Council – a secular, community-based self-defence force. Rather than being welcomed as a stabilising presence, the force has been labelled a threat by Jolani’s regime. That pretext has been used to justify the current campaign of violence.
The toll is staggering. Thousands have been displaced. Medical and food supplies have been cut off. Religious leaders have pleaded for international assistance. The United Nations has acknowledged the crisis, but its response has been mostly rhetorical.
A ceasefire brokered in mid-July by the United States, Turkey and Arab states has temporarily paused the bloodshed. But many fear that once the world’s attention moves on, the killing will resume.
The Jolani regime has tried to present itself as a transitional authority. In truth, it remains rooted in the same extremist ideology from which it sprang. Its actions in Sweida – silencing dissent, attacking minorities and consolidating control through fear – are a grim echo of its past. Syria cannot build a future on such foundations.
The Druze are not insurgents. They are not revolutionaries. They are a people of faith, family and restraint. Their history is long. Their honour is deep. Their only demand is to live in peace and dignity. To stand by while they are hunted and humiliated is not just a political failure – it is a moral one.
What is happening in Sweida is a test for those who speak loudly of human rights but hesitate when the victims are unfashionable or forgotten. I say this especially to Western audiences who have been overwhelmed by one-sided narratives about Gaza: look again. Israel is a liberal democracy – imperfect, yes, but committed to the rule of law and human rights. And when the Druze called for help, it was Israel – not the UN, not the Arab League – that responded.
Let us stand with the Druze – not because they are strategic allies or part of some broader conflict, but because standing with them is the right thing to do.
Michael Scott CSC is the CEO and founder of the 2023 Foundation, a charity focused on combating antisemitism. The views expressed are his own and do not reflect the official positions of the Australian Defence Force or the Commonwealth Government of Australia.